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Why did Yifat slap the military prosecutor at the Tamimi trial?

09 Monday Apr 2018

Posted by freehaifa in Jews in Palestine, Political Detention, West Bank

≈ 1 Comment

Tags

Ahed Tamimi, Israeli Apartheid, Nabi Saleh, Nariman Tamimi, Ofer military court, Slapping a prosecutor, Yifat Doron

(The following interview with Yifat Doron appeared in “Mondoweiss”. A Hebrew version of it appeared in “Haifa Ha-Hofshit” and a short Hebrew version in “Local Call”)

Yifat in detention 1

Yifat Doron under detention after slapping a military prosecutor

Although it is officially subject to the open court principle, the public is rarely allowed a glimpse into the Israeli military tribunal at Ofer (near Ramallah), one of the pillars of the occupation in the West Bank, which denies the basic human rights of the Palestinian population. At a time of general despair and loss of way for the Palestinian resistance, the trial of Ahed Tamimi is repositioning the Palestinian struggle in its original context: a confrontation between a mighty oppressive apparatus and a people aspiring to basic freedoms. The trial has also momentarily shed light on the military court at Ofer.

Much has been said regarding the court’s decision to hold Ahed’s trial in camera, denying her request for an open trial. The judges claimed to be protecting her interests as a minor. But they certainly were not protecting her from public disgrace, as her actions have been lauded by both Palestinian and international public opinion. Obviously the judges were trying to protect themselves from disgrace and farther public outrage.

But even the trial of Nariman Tamimi, Ahed’s mother, was not really held in an open court. The military court allows the presence of only two family members for every Palestinian defendant at best. It offers a certain advantage to supporters in possession of an Israeli ID who wish to enter the compound: they may be allowed to attend trials, subject to special authorization issued by the military, after sending a formal request by fax.

Ofer military court entrance

The fortified entrance to the Ofer military court. Never really open to the public.

Despite these restrictions, Yifat Doron has been a regular visitor to Ofer. She is not a lawyer or a member of a human rights organization, but for over ten years she has regularly participated in Palestinian protests: protests against the separation barrier where there is an organized effort to include non-Palestinian supporters, and Palestinian-only protests which take place regularly across the West Bank, far from the eye of international media. In the wake of these protests, she found herself time and again attending court sessions for friends and acquaintances standing trial for their involvement. Naturally, she could only enter the secure compound upon receiving proper authorization. Now that she has slapped a military prosecutor, she fears she will never be allowed back in again.

I met with her shortly after her release in an attempt to understand the motivation behind her unusual action.

The motive

Mainstream media will, as always, attempt to fit news events into well recognized patterns, thus it mentioned an incident which took place during Ahed Tamimi’s trial. It spoke of an Israeli-Jewish supporter who got up and slapped an officer. By meeting Yifat and reading the court papers for her remand, I learned that both the facts and the political perspective behind her actions differ from those first offered by the media.

First, as mentioned, Ahed’s trial took place in camera, so the incident could not happen within it. The same Wednesday, March 21, 2018, another trial was held at Ofer, that of Ahed’s mother, Nariman, and her cousin, Nur Tamimi. Due to the decision to hold them in remand until the end of the proceedings, faced with the possibility of being held in prison for a longer term until the trial concludes, both Ahed and Nariman were forced to accept a plea bargain which includes eight months jail time for each. The court was in session to formally sanction these pleas, including that of Nur, who had been previously released and whose punishment did not include further jail time. Although obviously a mere formality, the military judge took her time during the hearings to contemplate whether or not to sanction the agreed upon terms. Finally, just before 7 pm, the judge rose and left the hall after sending Nariman to eight months in prison. That was the moment when Yifat approached the prosecutor, a high ranking officer, and expressed her protest.

Ahed Tamim in Ofer court - Oren Ziv

Ahed Tamimi in the military court at a remand hearing, before the judges decided to hold her trial behind closed doors. Photo by Oren Ziv, Activestills.

Yifat explains that not only did her protest technically take place at the end of Nariman’s trial; it was in fact motivated by the distress caused to her by Nariman’s arrest. She kept close contact with Nariman throughout years of political struggle and feels strong friendship and deep appreciation toward her.

She speaks of a sense of kinship brought about by difficult experiences. She remembers the time when Rushdi Tamimi, Nariman’s brother, was shot by Israeli soldiers just behind the family home. When news came that Rushdi’s physical state was deteriorating, she, along with other people from the village, went to the hospital and were gathering there when the news came out that he “istashhad” – became another martyr of the struggle. She sat by the hospital bed of another family member, Mustafa Tamimi, whom she describes as “kind hearted and a true gentleman”. The soldiers shot a tear gas grenade directly to Mustafa’s head; he was fatally wounded and died the following day.

She accompanied Nariman when her husband, Bassem, was arrested and consequently tried for organizing protests in their village of Nabi Saleh. She recalls how Nariman was shot in the leg by a live bullet during a protest, an injury which shattered her bone and took her down a long road of recovery. She was with her and felt her pain when her children were beaten by soldiers and at times arrested. For years Nariman and Bassem’s home has been a safe haven for her.

Now, with Nariman herself in prison, Yifat felt that she could not just pretend that matters were business as usual. She felt the need to act, to protect her friend, to cry out against what seemed to her to be so utterly unjust, an additional pain inflicted on the least deserving of all women. For her this is not about solidarity in its abstract form, or a mere political statement, it is rather a more personal involvement, the politics of non-separation, of being connected organically. In this sense she was no stranger to the thought of spending some time in prison, as she has seen many of her friends do throughout the years.

The act

Just as pilots lay their murderous bombs through the impunity afforded by distant heights, so does the military court system, judges and prosecutors, cause the deepest distress and injustice under the guise of sterility with a feeling of impunity verging on complacency.

The remand request against Yifat, which was submitted to the court on the following day, under the title “the facts”, describes the act in one simple sentence: “The suspect assaulted the military prosecutor at the Ofer court, at the end of a hearing in the case of Nariman Tamimi.” On this one fact, the prosecution seeks to base five different offenses: “criminal threats, assault of a public officer, plain assault, obstructing a public official in the course of his duties, insulting a public official”.

In court, seeking her remand, the police representative tried to show the gravity of the incident: “…inside the courtroom, while prosecutors and the chief legal counsel for Judea and Samara were present, the suspect slapped lieutenant colonel Rasem, after blaring at him that they had no authority to judge her” (Nariman).

ofer prison

The Ofer military court is located within the fortified compound of the Ofer Military prison – physically and in spirit.

In the appeal submitted to the district court against the decision to release Yifat, police representative claimed that “she assaulted the chief of the prosecution of Judea and Samara during the decision about the sentencing of a Palestinian defendant, resident of the village of Nabi Saleh, also suspected of assaulting IDF officers. The suspect began shouting in the court room at the military prosecutors: ‘Who are you to judge her?’, and at the same time slapped an IDF officer, a lieutenant colonel, who acts as the chief of the military prosecution in Judea and Samara.”

In attempting to prove the element of risk to the public posed by Yifat, the appeal further states: “In her actions the suspect attempted to undermine the authority of the military court… The magistrate court erred in disregarding the element of risk to public order posed by the actions of the suspect against uniformed IDF officers who represent law authorities, actions which could discourage emissaries of the law in Judea and Samara, a fact that in itself constitutes an element of risk.”

In detention

Many television crews were present in the courtroom that day. Rules of the court dictate that they may not film while the judge is still present. Since the judge left they were all getting ready to start filming. It is unclear whether any of them caught this rare moment on camera, but no video documentation had been published in the media. The courtroom itself has security cameras, so it is very likely that the police are in possession of the full documentation of the incident.

Although the room was full of soldiers and security personnel, they did not jump upon Yifat but asked her to leave the hall, most likely so as not to provide the media with more graphic materials. As media and supporters were quickly ushered out, Yifat managed to sit on a vacant chair in the courtroom. Eventually soldiers took her out of the back door, the same door through which the judge had previously left. The judge, still not far from the scene, stared terrified at Yifat, despite the fact that she was handcuffed and surrounded by soldiers.

Away from the courtroom and far from the media, Yifat was now officially under arrest, stripped of her rights almost like the ones whose fate she protested. She began growing accustomed to the idea of spending long months without freedom, between courtrooms and jails.

From the Ofer compound she was taken to Binyamin Police station near the settlement of Ma’ale Edumim. In a room inside the building she saw two Palestinians prisoners, their eyes blindfolded and their hands and legs in handcuffs. They were guarded by soldiers. At late night, after her interrogation ended, Yifat was placed for a while in the same room with the two. It appears they were held there for quite some time and taken into interrogations intermittently. Pain and exhaustion were evident on their faces as they were moving uncomfortably on their plastic chairs. The older appeared to be about 20, and looked like a poster boy for everything we hear about torture. His shirt was stained with blood. The younger was merely a child. When the soldiers came to take him to interrogation, they momentarily took off his blindfold and Yifat managed to ask him for his age. “Thirteen”, he replied. “Don’t be afraid of them”, she said, “God will keep you strong”. She was swiftly taken out of the room.

Her interrogation started about midnight and continued until half past two in the morning. She was confronted with a complaint lodged by the prosecutor and the testimonies of two eye witnesses. She refused to cooperate with the interrogation; a matter of habit and of principle. Their job is to uphold the repressive order and she didn’t feel there was any reason she should ease their task.

Due to the lateness of the hour the police officers in Binyamin asked and received special authorization to hold her in the police station rather than transfer her to jail. For a while they kept her sitting handcuffed until a cell was free for her. She spent the rest of the night in a narrow dirty cell, one meter by two. There were no mattress and naturally no blankets. The only furniture was a short uncomfortable metal bench. When she remembered the two Palestinians with whom she had recently shared a room, she realized that even under these conditions she was privileged.

The next night she spent under “normal” conditions, as far as the Israeli jail system allows, at Neve Tirza women’s detention center.

Court hearings

On Thursday morning she was brought to the magistrates’ court in Jerusalem. The police applied for remand by five days. The causes stated were obstruction of justice and risk to public safety.

Yifat told the judge that she does not wish to be represented by a lawyer, and intends to represent herself. Talking to me in retrospect she explains: “There is no legal question involved for me. This trial is political and politics is something I do understand. Representing myself I can express myself in the clearest manner.” The court was somewhat dismissive of her decision. Attorney Lea Tsemel, who came to the hearing to express support, was, at the request of the judge, listed in the protocol as “present (not representing)”.

Yifat in Jerusalem district court 23 March 2018

Yifat Doron during the hearing in the Jerusalem district court into the prosecution’s appeal against her release.

During the hearing, Yifat forwent her right to interrogate the police prosecutor and instead announced that she does not object to the request for remand. She went on to say: “Concerning the risk, I agree with them that anyone who does not toe the line with your apartheid regime, who thinks independently, must necessarily prove a risk to that very regime.” (The protocol mistakenly states “apartheid police” instead of “regime”; in Hebrew ‘mishtar’ was substituted by ‘mishtara’).

The judge, however, remained unconvinced and ordered her release. He stated in his decision “I find no cause for remand, despite the vileness of her actions”. He ordered her release on bail and added a six month stay away order from all military courts. The police asked for an adjournment to base an appeal which was granted.

On the appeal notice, police superintendent Yousef Amoyal emphasized the political nature of the protest. He writes: “the magistrates’ court did not give due consideration to the fact that in her actions the suspect attempted to undermine the authority of the military court and disrupt the proceedings of the prosecuting and adjudicating authorities in the zone”. Thus he concurred with Yifat that she must be rendered dangerous by her decision to challenge the foundations of the regime.

In the hearing in the district court, the following day, Friday, March 23, a representative for the police emphasized again the political nature of the act and said: “the element of risk stems from the very act. One cannot overlook the place where the act was committed, a military court. Israelis and Palestinians come to this place which constitutes a corner stone, a ruling body which delegates authority in Judea and Samara to all law enforcement agencies in the zone.”

For her own part, Yifat, having resisted another attempt by the court to have attorney Tsemel speak for her, reasserted that she does not object to the request for remand. She added: “I will not willingly participate in your game of ‘democracy for Jews only’”. The district court judge rejected the appeal stating: “The actions allegedly committed by the suspect do not pose a risk which mandates further remand”. He also addressed the common police practice of adding on allegations regardless of the nature of the offense, saying that he fails to understand why the suspect was interrogated under suspicion of criminal threats when nothing in the investigative material suggests that. With the appeal denied, Yifat was released. She still does not know if she is going to be charged.

The results

Attorney Gaby Lasky, who represented the Tamimi women, fought a hard legal battle demanding their release on bail before the trial. Her failure to achieve this mandated the plea bargains, since the period of their arrest during a long trial could have easily exceeded that of the plea bargains. In contrast, Yifat was not represented by a lawyer, did not object to the demands for remand, yet was released within two days on similar charges. The result was determined by a regime which makes distinctions according to race, which could only be called an apartheid regime. All Israeli courts view any Arab-Palestinian opponent of the regime as a dangerous enemy to be deprived of basic human rights. Democracy in Israel is reserved for whomever is perceived as part of the nation of rulers.

In retrospect, and although it was not Yifat’s intention, the court’s decision gave good service to the struggle which she acted to support. As the eyes of the world turn to Ahed Tamimi, a girl imprisoned for slapping a soldier, Yifat’s swift release supplied the utmost proof for the real reason behind Ahed’s arrest. Ahed, like thousands of other Palestinians, is under arrest for the worst crime in Israeli law books: that of being Arab.

Yifat is frustrated by the fact that not only the courts but other well-meaning folk relate to her as that “Jewish Israeli activist”. “If what they want is to label us according to sectors and not based on our humanity, they might as well write that a woman protested on behalf of another woman, her friend”, she says, “That would be much more relevant to the case at hand.”

“The differentiation made by the police and the court system classifying us as Jews and Arabs and treating us accordingly is not only part and parcel of its apartheid regime but also serves to strengthen and maintain the status quo”, she explains. Judaism to her is a religion and as she is not religious, she finds the description irrelevant. She does not define herself as Israeli either, at most, she can be described as a blue ID holder (as opposed to the green ID issued to Palestinians in the West Bank by Israel, which is a symbol of their rights deprived). Her message is the steadfast resistance of all those fighting for freedom and justice in taking apart the divisions forced on us by government.

Yifat in court for Ahed - by Iris Bar

Yafat Doron in court – painting by Iris Bar

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Palestinian MP Khalida Jarrar Resists Deportation

26 Tuesday Aug 2014

Posted by freehaifa in Free Ahmad Sa'adat, Popular Struggle, West Bank

≈ 1 Comment

Tags

Addameer, AlArd Movement, Deportation, Israeli Occupation, Khalida Jarrar, Palestinian Parliament, PFLP, PLC, Ramallah

khalidacampaign

From the protest tent in the PLC compound in Ramallah, Jarrar calls on the World’s People to act to defend the Palestinian People

The occupation forces have their special way to bring you a letter, or rather to convey a message. On Wednesday, August 20, they deployed some 50 soldiers, in full combat gear, to bring a small piece of paper to Khalida Jarrar, Palestinian MP from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), in her home in Ramallah. The time was also carefully chosen, 01:30 at night, in the best military tradition of terrorizing the occupied population.

According to the tradition of occupation theatre, the commanding officer introduced himself as “Captain Yahya” and handed Khalida an order in Hebrew, which she doesn’t read. But if the Israeli occupiers are short on Arabic office skills, they were generous to offer a translation on the spot. They told Khalida she must leave her house, her family and work in Ramallah within 24 hours and be confined to the Jericho district for six months.

The order itself, based on unspecified “intelligence information”, is directed specifically at Khalida, claiming that her deportation is necessary for “maintaining the security of the region”. But the military order is a blatant message to the Palestinian people and the world as a whole: The occupation is here, everywhere in Palestine, disregarding any agreements or laws, local or international.

Resisting Deportation

Khalida refused to sign the decree. She declared that she will not obey the illegal order and instead said that “it is the occupation that must leave our homeland.” On the next day, October 21, she started a protest tent in the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) – the Palestinian Parliament, to which she was elected in 2006.

Instead of disappearing quietly from the scene, as the occupiers wished her to do, she poses a challenge to the occupation and to the façade of Palestinian semi-independence under the occupation. If they want to get her and throw her to Jericho, the occupiers now should come and break with their military boots the gates of the PLC, demonstrating graphically what the real meaning of their order is.

In this protest tent there is always a gathering of supporters. Delegations come to visit and convey their condemnation of the deportation order. Yesterday, Monday August 25, I was there with a small group of activists from Haifa and the Galilee. At 13:00, some 150 people from different NGOS and Palestinian movements held a vigil in front of the UN Ramallah headquarters and conveyed a petition from the PLC and many other organizations calling on Ban Ki-Moon and the UN to intervene.

The Palestinian Parliament

The PLC was never allowed to really take sovereignty of any area, as Israel continues its brutal occupation and its effort to drive out the Palestinians from all of their land through settlements and ethnic cleansing. Actually the siege of Gaza is the occupation’s response to the 2006 elections to the PLC, when the most democratic vote in Palestinian history produced a Hamas majority, in an expression of popular rejection of the Oslo agreement, security coordination with the occupation and the corruption of the PA under Abbas.

The PLC is not even allowed to function as a toothless discussion forum – its members in Gaza are locked up by the siege, like the rest of the Gaza population, and thus prevented from attending meetings. About half Palestinian MPS in the West Bank are held in Israeli prisons, most of them without any charge.

In this sorrow state of the Palestinian Parliament, Khalida was trusted with what may be considered the most important parliamentary institution: She’s the head of the PLC’s prisoners’ committee. This trust is one expression of the position she holds in Palestinian public life, recognition of her persistent activity and dedication to Human Rights and a result of the good relations that she keeps with all the Palestinian factions.

Interviewing Khalida

In the hot afternoon the stream of visitors and delegations became thinner and Khalida found some time to give a special interview for Free Haifa.

She told again the story of Wednesday night… When asked by “Captain Yahya” what her response to the order was, she stressed that it is just another example of the criminal activities of the occupation against her people, nothing in comparison to the on-going massacre of the people of Gaza.

She is proud of the wide solidarity she receives since the news came out about the order against her. There were solidarity delegations from all the Palestinian movements. The PLC issued a special declaration, like many other organizations. There were many solidarity messages from parliamentarians, Human Rights and Palestinian solidarity activists from around the world.

She said that the Palestinian Prime Minister, the head of the new National Unity government, Rami Hamdallah, called to express solidarity. But, no, she is not aware of any official position regarding her case from the presidency or from the Palestinian government.

It is significant that she is being deported from Ramallah, which is classified under the Oslo agreement as region “A”, where the full responsibility for security is supposed to lie in the hands of the Palestinian Authority (PA), to Jericho, which is also “A”. How comes the Israeli occupation forces deport her for “the security of the region”?

It is all part of the new period where the occupation likes to show how it is getting crazy and throws away all restraints. We see it in Gaza where the killing of civilians is not only by-effect but the main goal of Israel in its war. We see it in Jerusalem where the occupation systematically drags small kids from their beds at night to fill its detention camps. We see it in the “Dakhel” (the Palestinian territories occupied since 1948) where more than a thousand demonstrators were arrested in the latest protests against the massacre in Gaza.

Speaking more generally about the current confrontation in Gaza, it proves the strength of the resistance in the face of the most massive and cruel attacks. The continuing resistance and the support of the resistance from the people in spite of the heavy sacrifices show the determination of the Palestinian people and give new hope that they will one day be able to live free on their land.

In the end she had a special message to international public opinion. The occupation doesn’t respect any law and doesn’t stop at any crime and violation of the basic rights of the Palestinian people. The failure to bring the occupation to account opens the way to more crimes and bloodshed. Today the Palestinian people feel that the international law doesn’t protect them. It is high time that the people of the world will act to protect the Palestinian people against this criminal occupation.

“Special Supervision Order”

I ask Khalida what is so special about her deportation order. I remind her that Ghassan, her husband, was confined to his house in Jenin while a student activist in Bir Zeit near Ramallah. Well, she smiles at the old memory, there is a difference. He was confined to his house – I have nothing in Jericho to go there…

I ask Addameer more about the legal details… There was the precedent of the 3 Palestinian parliamentarians from Al-Quds (Jerusalem) who were denied residency and forcefully deported to Ramallah… But the issue of Ethnic Cleansing of Palestinians from Al-Quds is different and goes by another set of laws. By the way, they are all in prison now.

There are other examples of Palestinian prisoners that were forced to go to Gaza as part of the conditions for their release. Other released prisoners, in older times, where force to move from their original villages in the West Bank…

But the “special supervision order” against Khalida seems to be very special indeed, or maybe another dangerous precedent.

I recall how similar orders were issued against the leaders of “Al-Ard Movement” in the sixties. Some of them were confined to remote, wholly Jewish, towns like Safad and Arad. Others were arrested and the movement was successfully suppressed.

The occupation is still the same, but the Palestinian struggle made a long way since. The voice of Khalida Jarrar will not be silenced.

See Addameer site for more legal details and a call for action.

You are invited to sight a petition in support of Khalida.

The original text of the "special supervision order"

The original text of the “special supervision order”

Victory – 16/9/2014

Today the Khalida Jarrar solidarity campaign published a declaration of victory!

After a month in which she was protesting the deportation order from the solidarity tent at the PLC, the occupation “shortened” the duration of the deportation to one month, which has already expired, without Khalida ever leaving Ramallah or going to Jeriho.

It is a great victory for Brave Khalida, for all those that supported her in the struggle and for the concept of popular resistance.

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It is just a Child… So easy to kill, so hard to report!

12 Tuesday Aug 2014

Posted by freehaifa in West Bank, Zionism

≈ 1 Comment

Tags

Al-Fawar, Gili Cohen, Haaretz, IDF, Israeli Media, Khalil Al-Anati, Killing Children, palestine, West Bank, Zionism

Child Martyr Khalil Al-'Anati, shot dead by IDF soldiers in Al-Fawar refugee camp

Child Martyr Khalil Al-‘Anati, shot dead by IDF soldiers in Al-Fawar refugee camp

The Israeli occupation army shot dead today (Sunday, 10 August 2014) the boy Khalil Al-‘Anati in the Al-Fawar refugee camp in Al-Khalil (Hebron).
According to the family’s testimony, the eleven year old was standing at the door of his house when he was shot. He was brought by volunteers to the Al-Ahli hospital, still bleeding, but the doctors could not save his life. According to the doctors, as reported in the press, the bullet entered through his back and went out through his stomach…

Reuters, the news agency, reporting in Arabic, brought also the response of the Israeli occupation army. It claimed that there was “a violent riot” and that the soldiers “shot at the main inciters and identified a hit among them”!

This is another crime in the endless chain of Zionist crimes against the Palestinians, the original inhabitants of this land, who are expelled, dispossessed, occupied, exploited, oppressed, persecuted and slaughtered wherever they go.

No News

The continued Apartheid regime and the daily killings is possible not only because of the criminals who pull the trigger and those who send them, but also because of the denial mechanism within the Israeli civil society for which the murder of the child Khalil Al-‘Anati is not even a meaningful piece of news, no news at all.

Let’s see what was written today in Haaretz, the newspaper which praises itself for speaking in the name of Liberalism and Democracy in Israel. (Recently its owner even declared his paper’s position as “Left”.)

The death of the child Khalil didn’t receive a news item but showed twice in the short “breaking news”:

haaretz_on_the_kid_khalil_1

 

“12:40  Palestinian media sources: A 12 years old youth that was hurt this morning from shooting by IDF forces in Al-Fawar refugee camp in South Hebron died of his wounds.”

It is common practice in Israel that a soldier who dies in battle receives immediate promotion of his rank. Similarly, a child that is killed by the soldiers is “promoted” to the rank of “youth”. By the way, I re-read many Palestinian sources and all of them speak about Khalil as a child – “tifl” in Arabic.

Later Gili Cohen, the military correspondent, updates:

haaretz_on_the_kid_khalil_2

“15:04 “The IDF expressed grief over the death of a Palestinian in the confrontation in Al-Fawar in the South Hebron Mountain. The event will be investigated. (Gili Cohen)”

Luckily for Haaretz, in this time of war, there is also the “current updates” section for news that doesn’t deserve a special item. We can read there a small sub-title:

haaretz_on_the_kid_khalil_3

(In 4 words, marked yellow) “12 years old killed in the West Bank”

Later, in the “updates” section:

haaretz_on_the_kid_khalil_4

haaretz_on_the_kid_khalil_5

Partial translation:

“12:04 Palestinian news agency Maan reported that 12 year old was killed from IDF forces shooting in Al-Fawar refugee camp in South Hebron Mountain. According the report, IDF forces entered Al-Fawar for unknown reasons, a confrontation developed with local residents, which threw stones.

“Witnesses told that the youth, which didn’t take part in the confrontation, stood in front of his house when an IDF force opened fire toward him…

“IDF said in response that during activity in Al-Fawar a confrontation developed, during which an IDF force open fired from which a minor Palestinian was killed. The IDF is sorry for his death…”

This way Haaretz managed to maintain its readers’ peace of mind and to report the “incident” four times without mentioning the C word, A CHILD (or a BOY).

This hardship to tell the truth as it is, to report how the IDF is killing children, helps to make the killing itself much easier and more ubiquitous.

(This post was originally published in Hebrew).

 

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