Dareen Tatour, imprisoned Palestinian poet, shares her story


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Exclusive interview with Palestinian poet Dareen Tatour from her home, where she remains under house arrest


(This interview was published in Salon.com on August 10, 2016)

Dareen Tatour, a Palestinian citizen of Israel, was arrested because of her posts on social media.

In October, police raided her home in the middle of the night. They handcuffed Tatour, a 35-year-old poet, and took her away.dareen_tatour

“You look like a terrorist,” an interrogator told her. The Israeli government accused Tatour of inciting violence with her poetry and Facebook posts.

She faces up to eight years in prison, if convicted on all charges. Her case is still pending, and the trial will resume on Sep. 6.

Tatour has already spent three months in Israeli prisons, and another six months under house arrest in an apartment near Tel Aviv, which her family was forced to pay for.

In late July, an Israeli judge ruled that she can continue her house arrest in her family’s home near Nazareth.

The judge’s decision came after more than 250 prominent writers, intellectuals and artists published an open letter calling for Tatour’s release. Among those who endorsed the letter were Noam Chomsky, Naomi Klein, Dave Eggers, Claudia Rankine and 10 Pulitzer Prize winners, including renowned poet Alice Walker and journalist Kathryn Schulz.

Since then, more than 7,000 people have signed the letter, and activists have created an international solidarity campaign in support of Tatour.

Tatour’s story is one of many. From October 2015 to July 2016, the Israeli government arrested roughly 400 Palestinians for social media posts, according to local rights groups.

Yet her case has gotten particular international attention, given its chilling implications for civil rights for Palestinians in Israel, the U.S. government’s closest ally.

U.S. social justice group Jewish Voice for Peace recently published a video message featuring Tatour in her home in Reineh, an Israeli city near Nazareth, where she remains under house arrest.


Salon organized an interview with Tatour. The interview was conducted in person, in Arabic, and translated with the help of Yoav Haifawi.

Can you explain what has happened since your arrest and imprisonment?

I’m still detained and pending trial, since they burst in at 3:30 am on Oct. 11, 2015. A large police force raided our house, and asked my parents to call me, because they came to take me. They did not have an arrest warrant, violating the most basic laws.

After my interrogation they decided to put me on trial and to hold me in prison until the end of the trial. I can say that the interrogation and the trial are a farce and a shame for any system that claims to be democratic.

Initially I was jailed for three months, during which I was transferred between three prisons: Jalameh, Sharon and Damoun.

Later, the court put me under house arrest in the Tel Aviv area, and this meant I was in exile far away from my town. I stayed there for over six months, during which I was prevented from going out and from communicating over the internet at all times, day and night.

Then, in the wake of the mounting solidarity campaign protesting the undemocratic practices against me, I was transferred to the house arrest in my town, Reineh. Here, I’m not allowed to go out, except for just six hours per week, and they’re making me wear an unremovable electronic bracelet on my ankle to monitor my movements.

What were the conditions like in the prisons? Can you talk about your experience and the other Palestinian prisoners?

First, there are thousands of Palestinian prisoners serving sentences in Israeli jails, and among them women and children — in addition to administrative detainees, who are being held by Israel without charge, and of course without trial, for an unknown period, because, according to the emergency laws, administrative detention can be extended repeatedly with no limit.

When I was in prison I was with Palestinian women prisoners. I experienced the suffering of the Palestinian prisoners in all humanitarian aspects. I witnessed the neglect they suffer in Israeli jails, in terms of environmental and health conditions, and cruel treatment.

The prisoners in general, and especially women prisoners, are deprived of basic human rights, and I mean especially the right to receive proper medical treatment.

Israeli prisons are full of injustice; whatever I say will not be enough to describe the life of Palestinian prisoners there. I met there innocent women prisoners who didn’t commit any crime.

For example, I was arrested because of a poem, and I met a girl who was detained because she wrote a private letter to her sister about personal and family concerns, and because she said the word “suicide,” she was thrown in jail for three months.

Why do you think Israel is going after poets and other artists, and arresting Palestinians for social media posts?

The political persecution, detentions and restrictions on freedom of expression, in my opinion, are a symptom of the crisis of Israel. As the Zionist authorities intensify repression and step up their incitement campaigns against Palestinians, they feel more weakness and impotence.

On the one hand the Palestinians increasingly reject their colonial practices and racial oppression; on the other hand, as a response to the emerging culture of hatred at the popular level, an opposing anti-fascist stream is taking shape in Israeli society. This puts Israel in a dilemma, forcing it to step up its repression, thus exposing the Israeli regime as anti-democratic.

Is it hypocritical for Israel to insist it is a democracy while it arrests people who criticize it?

Of course it is. Israel is not a democratic state. To the extent that it is democratic, its democracy applies only to one category of people, of citizens — that is, it is only democracy for Jews. For this reason I call it sectarian democracy or fake or hypocritical democracy.

However, even this kind of democracy started collapsing recently, as I explained in the previous answer.

Do you know if the letter from the 250 literary figures helped improve your situation?

Yes, of course. The solidarity campaign, including the petition, which was signed by many artists, writers and people from all over the world, helped very much.

In the beginning the conditions of my detention were very harsh. I was detained for several months in a house near Tel Aviv, away from my family and the place where I used to live. I was completely isolated from people; I was prevented from leaving the house altogether. It was more like a detention in solitary isolation cell in exile. It continued like this for more than six months.

Before the escalation of the solidarity campaign, my lawyer filed a request to transfer my home detention from Tel Aviv to Reineh — my town — but the prosecution strongly objected, refusing even to let my request be heard in court.

However, after the publication of the petition, it changed its attitude to the request, and eventually approved. My return from Tel Aviv to house arrest in Reineh greatly alleviated the conditions of my detention.

Do you think that continuing public pressure may influence the final verdict in your case?

Yes, definitely, the public response to the call for solidarity in my case, and around the issue of freedom of expression in general, is the only effective pressure that may change this unfortunate situation.

I believe that public pressure may force the Israeli authorities to reconsider the persecution of Palestinian artists, writers and young activists just because they express their rejection of oppression.

What gives you hope?

Hope is the foundation of life. There is a saying that I used to repeat before my arrest, and I still say it: “We dream in order to continue living.” Here I compare dreams with hope, because without hope we are going to die even as we are alive, and only our bodies will remain.

Hope is the sense of life, of freedom, of safety. It is what gives meaning to everything experienced by humans; we breathe hope to live meaningful lives.

What can human rights activists in the U.S. and elsewhere do to help fight for your rights and the rights of other Palestinians?

The U.S. government is the world’s biggest supporter of Israel. Activists in American society can put pressure on Israel in order to shed light on the issue of freedom of expression and the harassment by the Israeli authorities against those who oppose their views.

Palestinian Arab people in Israel are facing campaign of racist incitement, on both official and popular levels. Attacks on them multiply just because they speak Arabic in public places. These are dangerous developments. In this regard, I believe human rights activists should sound the alarm before it is too late.

Ben Norton is a politics staff writer at Salon. You can find him on Twitter at @BenjaminNorton.


Letter from Bilal Kayed:Freedom or Martyrdom


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Below is an English translation of a letter from Palestinian prisoner Bilal Kayed, on hunger strike for 48 days in a row, demanding the abolition of his administrative detention. Bilal Kayed is currently held in “Barzillai” hospital in Askelan due to the deterioration in his health. (Askelan is a Palestinian city north of Gaza. It was renamed after its occupation and ethnic cleansing in 1948 to Ashkelon.)Bilal's mother

Kayed, 34, has been on hunger strike since 15 June. Arrested in 2001, he completed his 14.5-year sentence in Israeli prison on 13 June. Instead of being released as scheduled to meet his family waiting for him at an Israeli occupation military checkpoint, he was ordered to an indefinitely-renewable six months in administrative detention without charge or trial. He launched his hunger strike to demand his immediate release from detention. Dozens of fellow Palestinian prisoners have joined an open hunger strike and a series of protests to demand Kayed’s freedom. His case represents a dangerous precedent for all Palestinian prisoners of indefinite imprisonment without charge or trial after the completion of lengthy sentences.

To the masses of our heroic people,

To all freedom loving people of the world in all corners of Earth,

I currently pass a difficult period on a personal level in a war that I declared against the attempts by the brutal occupation to subjugate me. The occupiers decided to liquidate me only because I was standing next to the prisoners of my people, an advocate for my and their right and the right of our families for minimal humane conditions and dignity. It is no surprise that I found myself with my people all gathering around me raising their voice and standing together in their tireless attempts to remove the injustices suffered by me and by prisoners of war like me.

This is in line with the patriotic consciousness that developed among you and among freedom loving people wherever they are, in the West Bank revolting in the face of oppression, between the Palestinians “Inside”, proud and deep-rooted and adhering to their identity, among our heroic people in victorious Gaza, and all over the world with all the people struggling for freedom from all nationalities and categories.

Today I announce here the end of the first phase in my struggle with this oppressive occupier, and announce the beginning of the second phase, which will focus on the unity with all prisoners from all categories and all parties, to become together the spearhead of the patriotic struggle inside the prisons and outside them.

After the decision came from the military court of occupation (as was expected), ignoring my right to freedom and dignified life, it is essential that there will be a response from me, befitting this brutal decision. For this reason, starting today, August 1, 2016, I will avoid dealing with any medical tests proposed to me by the doctors in the hospital and ask to return immediately to prison, despite the deterioration of my health. I will ask to stand in a row in the cells of the occupation prisons, along with all the prisoners rebelling and raising their voice.

Your decision will not pass easily, especially as the occupation’s decision to put me in administratively detention crossed another, more dangerous, red line. This policy aims to liquidate all the leaders and cadres of the prisoners’ movement, and those raising its banners, and the defenders of the right of prisoners to freedom and to live in dignity.

My heroic people, the hour of struggle has come. I’m full of hope, as I always promised you, that you will be our protecting wall and will support our struggle. What I hear about your struggles, demonstrations the protests gives me more resolve and determination to move forward until victory, either through freedom or martyrdom.Free Bilal Arabic English Bigger

We are inevitably victorious

Detainee Bilal Kayed

Barzillai hospital, “Askelan”

August 1, 2016

letter in Arabic

Dareen is back home – hard struggle still ahead


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After more than three months in jail and more than six months in house arrest on exile near Tel Aviv, after her unexpected detention yesterday (Monday, July 25, 2016), poet Dareen Tatour was allowed today to return to Reineh, still under house arrest and the same harsh conditions.

Celebrating in Reineh

Celebrating Dareen’s return to Reineh: with writer Kim Jensen

But it was only at about 20:30 that Tawfiq, Dareen’s father, collected her from the street near Damoun prison on Mount Carmel. It was another crazy day showing how the whole judiciary, police, prosecution and the prison department are doing everything to make life unbearable for the Palestinians (and many other ordinary residents).

Yesterday judge Hana Sabagh, at the Nazareth low court, decided to send Dareen to prison, in spite of the agreement by the prosecution to let her go back to Reineh, just because the private company that is responsible to the electronic surveillance didn’t yet submit a written report. The hearing today was set to 13:00, and the defense lawyers, Juana Far, had the missing paper ready with her, so we expected a smooth sail.

Hearing  Problems

This time we were not waiting with Dareen, as she was held in a prison cell in the basement of the building, after spending the night in Jelemeh detention center. At about 14:00 she was brought to the isolated deck in the court room, carefully watched by two guards, a man and a woman.

As the judge started the hearing, noting the agreement between the prosecution and the defense, the prosecution lawyer requested to speak. At the last moment she tried to tighten Dareen’s detention restrictions. Some three month ago, the court allowed Dareen a small “window” in her house arrest: On Thursday, Friday and Saturday every week she is allowed to get out of the house, still accompanied by one of her supervisors, for two hours (from 17:00 till 19:00). This is less than the time that regular prisoners are allowed to go to stretch their body in the prison yard. Now the prosecution wanted to abolish this small window as a price for their agreement to Dareen’s return to Reineh. Luckily the judge frowned at this new complication and made it clear that the conditions stay as they are.

But just as we expected the judge to order the release of Dareen and that we will be allowed to go together out of court, he found a new way to torture us. Even that the only reason for Dareen’s arrest yesterday was the missing paper, he ordered now that Dareen will be taken back to prison until the surveillance company will complete all the technical arrangement.

Bureaucratic Nightmare

We started a craze race against time to get all the paper work done. They wouldn’t give you the necessary forms in court to fill, so the lawyer had to go back to her office to find the right forms and come back to the court house to let Dareen sign them in her prison cell.

After the first bunch of papers was ready, the company asked for another couple of forms to be filled. It was already 15:40 and the gourds, officers of the “Nakhshon” prisoners’ transfer unit, said that if we can get all the papers right until 16:00 or 16:30 we may get Dareen with us from the court. Otherwise they will return her back to prison.

So lawyer Juana hurried back to her office. But the surveillance company insisted that the forms should be sent to them from the court’s fax and not from the lawyer’s office. In spite of the strike we found some nice clerk in the court’s office that agreed to get the faxes from Juana and send them to the company. It was exactly 16:30 when we receive the fax delivery confirmation from the court’s office. We warmly thanked the clerk, wished her victory in the strike and run down to “minus 3” were the prisoners are held.

The guards were still there holding Dareen, but the surveillance company said they didn’t get the fax yet. We called the lawyers and requested them to call the company and see what the hell is going on with them. At about 17:00 the people at the company admitted that they received the fax, but said that they want somebody from the court’s office to call them to make sure that it was really sent from the court. We run back to the court’s office but there was nobody there. In the meantime it became clear that the guards are also gone with Dareen – the brave ones simply spirited away without telling us, leaving us waiting at the door and ringing the bell in vain.

Unwanted Prisoner

The next chapter is what I heard from Dareen after she was released.

She was taken by the guards. Initially they said that they will take her to “Ha-Sharon” prison, near Kfar Saba, some 90 kilometers away. Then, for unknown reason, they changed their mind and decided to take her to Damoun, the last prison where she spent time in her three month imprisonment.

The “Nakhshonim” tried to submit her to the prison officers, but those checked in their computers and found that Dareen was released and refused to accept here. Hearing that, the Nakhshonim decided that they have already lost too much time on this lost cause and just drove away, leaving Dareen there, standing at the gates of the Damoun prison – an unwanted prisoner.

The prison officers let Dareen make a telephone call (her telephone was taken from her when she was arrested). Luckily she remembered the number of her brother, who called her father. For a long time she just stood there, near the mountain road, waiting for her father to come and take her home.


At night, when they finally reached the family house in Reineh, there were happy celebrations with many people coming to congratulate Dareen on her return home after an ordeal that lasted more than nine months. There were fireworks, food and oriental sweets.

Dareen at the celebrations - Mujadara

Vegan food in the celebrations of the home-coming of (vegetarian) Dareen – Mujadara

There was also music – it came out the Dareen is learning also to play the guitar – in addition to her love for poetry and photography. Holding her guitar she told us how the policemen that came to arrest her on October and confiscated her computer and smartphone asked about the guitar: Is it yours also? She replied: Will you take my guitar also?

As we left the house at half past midnight, the whole family was expecting a white night. The people from the surveillance company said they will come at around 02:00 to install the equipment. Despite judge Sabagh’s tireless effort, Dareen was left for many hours without active surveillance. And this time, in spite of all his efforts, he failed even to ruin our day.

Even as Dareen was celebrating her home-coming, we talked about the next phase of the trial.  If found “guilty” – which is what happens with about 99% of the people indicted in Israeli courts – she is expected to serve another prolonged period in prison. The struggle to #Free_Dareen_Tatour, like the bigger struggle for Palestinian human rights, has still a long way to go.

Dareen Tatour Returned… To Prison!


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How “security considerations” become means for torture…

(On Tuesday, July 26, at about 20:00, Dareen was finally allowed to go home. After more than 3 months in prison and more than 6 months in exile and house arrest, she will still be under strict house arrest at home, waiting a prolonged trial for one poem and two Facebook posts. If found “guilty” – which is what happens with about 99% of the people indicted in Israeli courts – she is expected to serve another prolonged period in prison. The struggle to #Free_Dareen_Tatour, like the bigger struggle for Palestinian human rights, has still a long way to go.)

We invited everybody to celebrate the return of poet Dareen Tatour to Reineh today, after more than three months in prison and more than six months in house arrest in exile in Kiryat Ono near Tel Aviv (more than 100 km from her home). Yes, we knew that she will still be in house arrest under harsh restrictions: confined with volunteer guards to the house, 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, with an electronic device attached to her ankle monitoring all her movement and prevented from any access to the internet. But at least she will be at home, surrounded by family and friends.

Dareen in court July 25

Dareen Tatour during a break in the hearing today just before going back to prison

But after a prolonged drama in the Nazareth court the result was that Dareen was arrested and returned to prison. She will probably spend the night in the filthy cells of the Jelemeh detention center, where she spent the first month of her detention. Tomorrow we will have another hearing in court, but as things go we can’t be optimistic until we will see Dareen fully free.

This cruel attempt to break Dareen’s spirit just as she expected her situation to improve reminds me of the case of Bilal Kayed. Bilal, a member of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, was sentenced to 14 and half years in prison for resisting the occupation. On the day that he had to be released, June 13, 2016, he was transferred instead to administrative detention for another six months, a period that can be extended arbitrarily and indefinitely. Today Bilal is on the 40th day of hunger strike against his administrative detention, and there are many demonstrations in solidarity with him against the breaking of the few rules that were still respected in the relations between the occupation and political prisoners.

But what happened today in the Nazareth court?

Before our court hearing started, we were given a devastating evidence to the ground truth of the reality of occupation that is the real background to Dareen’s saga. Two young workers from the West Bank were brought before the judge on the accusation of crossing the walls illegally in search of work. He casually remanded their detention and sent them back to prison in less than 2 minutes, like somebody that eats a nut and throws the shell behind his back.

Delivering Injustice Slowly

The current request to alleviate Dareen’s detention conditions is almost three months old. It took a month to set a date and few more weeks to make the initial hearing, where the prosecution objected to the very hearing of the request. As an alternative they insisted that a special parole officer will examine the suitability of the proposed new guards to be with Dareen, which brought us up to last Monday, July 18.

In the meantime the international pressure to release Dareen mounted, with hundreds of poets and writers from all over the world signing a petition in her defense. The prosecution softened its position a bit, now agreeing to Dareen’s return to Reineh. But still another week was allocated for the adjustment of the electronic device to work in Dareen’s house in Reineh – and the hearing was postponed to today, Monday, July 25.

In the meantime Dareen’s lawyer prepared seven proposed volunteer guards – much more that the number usually required, as he had a long experience of the prosecution failing any proposal to alleviate the detention conditions. Judge Hana Sabagh, the vice president of Nazareth low court, agreed to hear only four custodians. They all passed the interrogation perfectly. But then the judge noticed that three of the four guards, Dareen’s father and two brothers, work, and only her mother will stay with her at daytime. And what will happen if her mother will have to get out? The next in line were Dareen’s sisters in law – but they also work outside the family house. In the end the judge agreed to accept as a fifth guard one sister in law that works part-time. I wonder about what “dangers to the public” the judge was thinking when he invested all this time to create a perfect shield around Dareen that is never applied to really dangerous criminals.

Crisis and Arrest

Then it came out that the approval from the operators of the electronic surveillance device was missing. First everybody thought that it was only a problem of communication. The court’s clerks are still on strike and they put off the fax machine where such documents are regularly sent. The judge even tried to show leadership and said that “we will find a way to get the approval without breaking the strike”.

But when the lawyer called the operator again it became clear that the approval is not ready. It is a private for-profit company that received the responsibility for operating electronic handcuffs from the government through a special contract. They were supposed to do their job within five work days – and that’s why the Judge postponed the hearing for a whole week. But they visited Dareen’s house only yesterday. And though the professional team that checked the place said that everything is OK, today on the phone they insisted that, according to their contract, they have another five days now to write their conclusions.

Abed, Dareen’s lawyer, suggested that Dareen will be allowed to go to Reineh anyway, until the final approval will come. After all, she was allowed to be with her family on Eid Al-Fitr (albeit only for one day), and once again when there were court hearings day after day. They Judge objected, saying that he couldn’t allow Dareen to go to Reineh for a few days least there will be a negative reply from the operators of the device and he will be forced to send her to prison…

Dareen told the court that there is no way that she will go back to Kiryat Ono. The Judge didn’t wait to hear why and ordered the guards to take her. But then everybody stood up and shouted, and the judge said he will set the next hearing for tomorrow, maybe the operator will make up his mind in the meantime.

Dareen’s lawyer tried to convince the judge that if there is only one night until the next hearing, he doesn’t have to be any braver than the previous judge that let Dareen spend one night at home before. But then the lawyer for the prosecution began to shout, saying there is no reason to allow this. She mentioned the fact that Dareen didn’t infringe in any way the conditions of her detention over the last half year as a proof that there is no problem with her staying more in Kiryat Ono. Judge Sabagh apparently decided that he’s more afraid from the prosecution’s fury and ended the hearing without any decision except for setting the next hearing for tomorrow at 13:00.

Dareen went out and inspected her options. After some time she went back to the judge with her family and lawyer and repeated her position that she simply can’t go back to Kiryat Ono. The judge ordered the court guards to arrest her and give her to the police. Now Dareen is in prison again for very good reasons: As the judge said, he wouldn’t want to arrest her if there will be a negative response from the operators… and as the prosecutor said, she never infringed the conditions that were imposed upon her… The State of Israel was spared another great threat to its sacred security!


Dareen Tatour Solidarity Gaining Momentum


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But will it make a difference?

It is more than 9 months since Dareen Tatour, the Palestinian poet from Reineh, was arrested and accused of inciting violence… all for one poem, two statuses and sharing thepoetry-not-a-crime-875x458 image of Israa Abed. She spent three months in three different prisons and is now confined to a small apartment in a suburb of Tel Aviv, more than a hundred kilometers away from her home and friends.

When I wrote the first article about Dareen’s detention (in Hebrew), published in “Siha Mekomit” (local call), on April 16, I concluded:

“The fact that a poet was arrested and tried under such baseless accusations is the result not only of the racist system (police, prosecution, judiciary), but also of the indifference of public opinion. Where are the poets and writers when we need them to protect the freedom of expression?”

To be honest, the response was more than anything I expected.Darin_and_TV

Through the last month, we had not only a hearing of Dareen’s request to alleviate the conditions of her detention on Monday 27/6, but also a demonstration in Yaffa (Saturday 25/6), a poetry night in Tel Aviv (also 27/6) and another in Haifa (Thursday 30/6) and high profile media cover.

And then was published an amazing petition calling for the release of Dareen, signed by many important poets and writers!

But let’s start with Dareen’s news…

No News from the Northern Front

Since her transfer from prison to house detention, Dareen is held in very harsh conditions. The prosecution waged guerilla warfare to prevent or delay her transfer and refuse any option that was proposed to the court, appealing against any decision that went a small step in Dareen’s way. The result was that Dareen is now closed 24 hours a day in a small apartment that her brother was forced to rent in Kiryat Ono, near Tel Aviv. She wears an electronic device on her ankle that monitors all her movements. But her two volunteer guards are still obliged to stay with her 24 hours a day “to make sure she doesn’t connect to the internet”, or they will pay a high fine and Dareen will be returned to jail. They both have to work opposite shifts and had to stop their studies. The lives of three people came to a standstill for unlimited period.Dareen in court with friends

Dareen’s lawyer, Abed Fahoum, submitted a request to the Nazareth court, to transfer Dareen’s detention back to the family’s home in Reineh. As the prosecution refused, for different reasons, all proposed “guards”, the new request listed six possible new guards, in addition to Dareen’s parents. It took more than a month till the court set the date to study the request on June 27.

The prosecution position was very sharp. There is no reason to even hear the request, as there is nothing new in the case. After half a year of house detention the prosecution will typically agree for softening the conditions – but not in Dareen’s case. Judge Idris is already traumatized after the many hearings he already held about Dareen’s detention and after several of his decision were overturned on appeal. He clearly wanted the prosecution to soften its position, but as there was no sign of it he left Dareen under the same harsh conditions until a second hearing on July 18.Yaffa demo with Dareen

Dareen burst in tears in the court as she heard of the decision. She said before that if her conditions are not alleviated she may request to go back to prison. But now she will hold her breath until July 18.

The lawyer also requested to let Dareen to spend the Eid al-Fitr next week with her family. The prosecution lawyer requested to call his superiors, and then requested to answer that request in writing within two days. The written answer, apparently from the higher circles in the Nazareth prosecution, was sharp objection. In the end the judge decided to let Dareen stay with her family only a day and a half of the Eid’s three days…

From Yaffa’s clock square to Haaretz Editorial

The first vigil in solidarity with Dareen was help in Nazareth on April 13. It gave a great push to the media coverage of the case.Yaffa demo haaretz

A second vigil was initiated in Yaffa (Jaffa) by local Palestinian activists. It concentrated on Dareen’s case but raised also the issue of administrative detention of Palestinian activists. Some fifty activists took part with significant presence of the media, including Al-Jazeera and Haaretz.

On Sunday there were two articles in Haaretz: one by Vered Lee contained many interviews that she held in the vigil, including with Dareen’s father; the other about the planned poetry events. On Monday morning, the day of the hearing concerning Dareen’s detention conditions, Haaretz editorial in Hebrew and English called for Dareen’s release.

The Hebrew Poet’s Letter

As the case drags on in court, there was time enough for many poets to wake up and take a stand. At the initiative of poet Tal Nitzan, the following letter was written:

We, poets, writers and members of the academy, are shocked and appalled by the arrest of Dareen Tatour and the charges she is facing for publishing a poem online and status updates on Facebook. Dareen Tatour, an Israeli citizen, has been imprisoned for three months and is now under a severely limiting house arrest awaiting her trial,  for publishing a poem online.

This is a clear case of unjust silencing and a severe violation of freedom of speech and protest, a new and grave stage in the deterioration of human rights in Israel, and a shameful proceeding that is befitting a totalitarian state and is unacceptable in a so called democratic state.

This prosecution of an Arab poet is particularly disturbing considering the law enforcement authorities disregard for the violent, racist and much more extreme content posted by Jewish citizens daily. This is a practice of double standard and a biased oppression, intolerable in a state that presumes to practice equality before the law. http://bit.ly/1Jf17Sp

As writers, deeply committed to freedom of speech and human rights, we will not stand by. We demand freedom for Dareen Tatour and withdrawal of the charges against her.

Poetry Evening in Tel Aviv

Tal Nitzan also collaborated with colleagues in organizing two poetry events in Tel Aviv and in Haifa. The event in Tel Aviv was held in the “Sipur Pashut” (simple story) library in Neve Zedek. A long list of poets, writers and academics announced their participation. I copy it here for you from the event’s page on Facebook:


Poetry evening in “Sipur Pashut”

Dr. Ilana Hammerman

Tal Nitzan

Liat Kaplan

Yael Gluberman

Diti Ronen

Dr. Anat Matar

Alma Miriam Catz

Reading a poem for dareen

Reading a poem for Dareen (in Haifa)

Dana Amir

Noam Partom

Eli Hirsh

Sheikha Hilawi

Rachel Peretz

Esti G. Haim

Roy Chicky Arad

Raanan Ben Tovim

Meytal Nadler

Eitan Boloken

Maki Hacham Neeman

Hila Aharon Brik

Arlet Mincher

Stav Almagor

I succeeded to arrive there after the court hearing, and, though being completely tired, I was very impressed both with the dense presence – people literally climbed one above the other to find a place – and by the thoughtful selection of texts and special words that were prepared for the event.

At the end of the evening Tal Nitzan read a thank you letter from Dareen to all the people that support her in her hard experience.

If you know Hebrew you can read a detailed report about the event in a site called Mako that covers cultural activities.

Another Poetry Evening in Haifa

The first poetry event in solidarity with Dareen was actually held back in May 5, 2016, in Haifa Al-Ghad club, at the initiative of Herak Haifa. Five young Palestinian poets participated, reading theirs and Dareen’s poetry.

Haifa poetry night

Gathering in Al-Yakhour

But now the initiative came from Hebrew writing poets and they didn’t want it to be confined to Tel Aviv alone. We looked for a place that will be more identified with the Jewish society in Haifa and agreed with “Isha L’Isha” (Woman for Woman) feminist center to host the event. Later on the organizers received threats from right wing activists and we had to find a new place at short notice. We went back to Palestinian Haifa, where Al-Yakhour youth hostel was happy to host us and the right wing activists didn’t even bother to call.

Being in Haifa, there were Arab and Jew poets, all gathering in the open air entrance of Al-Yakhour for the event. Here is the list of the readers from the invitation:

Rasia Feru

Lee Mamman

participants in the Haifa Poetry night

Some of the participants in the Haifa event

Lilach Galil

Turkey ‘Amer

Sigal Ben Yair

Heiam Abu Zuluf

Meital Nissim

Sami Mhanna

Oren Agmon

Sabrina De Rita

Rajaa Zoabi Omari

Lilach Weber

Shira Cohen

Ali Mawassi

Yehya Atalla

Majd Sgheir

Some of them didn’t really show up – but the virtual participation meant making a democratic stance in support of Dareen and Free Speech.

Poet Lilach Weber even wrote a special poem called “The Right Side of History” about Dareen’s persecution for poetry, which she published in Ha-Oketz and read to us in that evening.

I had the honor to thank the participants in the name of the organizers. I emphasized that our solidarity with Dareen Tatour is not because her case is so special but mostly because her case is an example of the similar fate of hundreds of Palestinian youth that are persecuted for expressing their resistance to Israeli racism and occupation. I added that even the general repression of the right of expression and free speech is not the heart of the problem but more like a symptom. When you hold millions of people without basic human rights and no democratic way to control their lives or decide their future, resistance and repression are the natural results.

More Poetic Solidarity

The poetry world has its own ways to express solidarity.

A Hebrew poetry magazine named “Maayan” (spring) decided to give Dareen its prize for “Poet in Struggle” – with an attached check of 500 shekel.

A site named “Arab Literature (In English)” published a translation of the poem for which Dareen was indicted, and continues to publish translations of more of her poems. (Here and here).

Finally came also the heavy armory of literature, in the form of the following press release:

July 12, 2016
Contact: Naomi Dann | naomi@jvp.org | 845-377-5745

Nine Pulitzer-Winners among 150+ Literary Figures Calling for Israel to Free Palestinian Poet
Poetry is Not a Crime: Alice Walker, Claudia Rankine, Dave Eggers, Natasha Trethewey & hundreds of others join solidarity campaign for Dareen Tatour imprisoned for a poem.

What Next?

Tomorrow, Sunday, July 17, at 4:00 pm, there should be another of the main trial against Dareen, with more policemen coming to testify about the “confessions” that they extracted from her, from her computer and from her cellphone.


Israa Abed – shot by Israeli soldiers in Afula central bus station. Posting her picture is one of the indictment articles against Dareen Tatour

On Monday, July 18, at 9:00 am, judge Idris is expected to decide about Dareen request to go back to Reineh, even if under strict house detention.

We all hope that the public pressure so far (and some common sense) will be enough at least to let the court counter the prosecution’s pressure and allow Dareen to return home. Otherwise Dareen may prefer to go back to prison – at least her detention period in prison (unlike house detention) may be counted in case that she will be sentenced for more time in prison.

Later, in September, the court will start to hear the defense case. A lot is at stake there. The defense will state that Dareen’s poem and Facebook statuses are perfectly legitimate artistic and political expressions. Can you convince an Israeli judge to recognize this? Farther more, the defense will claim that the whole prosecution apparatus in Israel is systematically targeting Palestinians for legitimate expression of political opposition while it totally ignores severe incitement for violence by right wing Zionists against Arabs. It is a lot to prove – and there is plenty of evidence to support it – but will the court be ready to hear it?

If Dareen Tatour is finally convicted, which is a very possible result, the accusations against her can carry up to 8 years in prison. By the latest cases in Israeli courts sentences of around 1 year of imprisonment seem to be quite common.

We have a long and hard struggle for Dareen and for Democracy ahead.


Celebrating the Failure of the Turkish Coup


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We went to sleep with images of soldiers shooting people in the main streets of Istanbul… and awakened to the view of civilians celebrating their control of those streets from the top of liberated tanks. What an amazing piece of history!

The initial response

What do you do when you hear about a military coup?

Many of us will think hard whether to run for a cover or take out to the streets. It could be the difference between life and death – or between (relative) freedom and long years of dictatorship.Kerry on Turkey Coup

As I was following the news last night, US secretary of state John Kerry was also hedging his bets. For him the question, of course, was different… Supporting the coup or defending Turkish democracy? What he said at the time (as reported in the LA Times) was “We’ve heard reports that others have heard. I don’t have any details at this point in time. I hope there will be stability and peace and continuity within Turkey, but I have nothing to add on what has transpired at this moment.” If some of the coup plotters understood this as a green light from the US they couldn’t be blamed.Civilians try to stop a tank

I’ve also noticed that some Facebook friends were following the news about the coup with some hope… Apparently some people are so hostile to political Islam that they are ready to give up all the principles of democracy and human rights and didn’t learn anything from the disastrous experience of Al-Sisi in Egypt. So I wrote (in Arabic) “يسقط يسقط حكم العسكر!” – “Down, down with Military Rule!” – this famous slogan of the Arab Spring – and went to sleep.

Victory to the People

The failure of the coup is a big victory for the people – first and foremost because it is the people that went out to the street at night, unarmed in the face of tanks and helicopter gunships, that won their freedom and democracy again, in the price of hundreds of martyrs and thousands wounded. Many soldiers defied orders from their superiors and joined the people, another victory for humanity over the system.Shaheed body in the street

It is also a victory for Turkey’s civil society, where all the political parties took a stand against the coup, and many members of Parliament hurried at night to occupy and defend it under the threat of tanks. This unity in defense of democracy is especially significant if we remember the sharp divisions within society and between the parties, not least Erdogan’s military oppression against the Kurds and his attempt to criminalize the HDP – the main party of the left.

The failure of the coup is an important optimistic note in the ongoing argument where does new technology, and especially new media, take us. On one side repressive regimes use intensively the new options for surveillance, intimidation and control. On the positive side, new media is giving new powers to the people to report, argue and publish at real time. After the coup plotters took control of the official media, Erdogan himself used social media to call the people to go out and take control of the streets.

We all learn by examples. The success of the Assad regime to cling to power by bombing his citizens and the success of the military coup in Egypt to topple the first democratically elected president are very dangerous precedents. Now the failure of the coup in Turkey will restrain the appetite of similar coup plotters elsewhere.

Who sent the army against the people?

The very fact that some foolish army officers dared to try a new coup is a symptom of the crisis that Turkey is going through.

Most people take a partisan view to the crisis, ignoring facts, contradictions and constant changes. Most people tend to be either “Pro Erdogan”, blaming everybody else with plotting against him, or “Anti Erdogan”, blaming him and his party for whatever they do or don’t do.

The biggest contradiction in modern Turkey is its forced control over the Kurdish people. Here comes a most overt example of Marx’s saying that people who oppress other people can’t be free.

For many decades the army that was deployed to fight the Kurdish “enemy within” was using its powers to terrorize Turkish society as a whole. The Islamists, as a popular current within society, were also defined as an enemy and oppressed. In his first ten years in power Erdogan knew that the main danger to his rule came from the dictatorial tendencies within the army.

At the same time Erdogan tried some limited steps toward peace with the Kurdish people, led by the PKK and Abdullah Ocalan. Ocalan even steered the PKK toward another program, putting democracy and pluralism for Turkey (and the region) as a whole at the center of the Kurd’s agenda instead of the quest for a fully independent Kurdistan.HDP against the coup

But recently, mostly after the success of the HDP in the parliamentary election limited his AK’s power, Erdogan seems to turn most of his fury against the Kurds, probably believing that the army was already tamed. By deploying the army to oppress Turkey’s citizens Erdogan put in danger the hard won democratic achievements of the last years.


On the other side, much of the western propaganda against Erdogan is pure racism and Islamophobia…

Turkey Military Coup

Turkish people take to the streets in Ankara, Turkey, late Friday, July 15, 2016. Turkey’s armed forces said it “fully seized control” of the country Friday and its president responded by calling on Turks to take to the streets in a show of support for the government. A loud explosion was heard in the capital, Ankara, fighter jets buzzed overhead, gunfire erupted outside military headquarters and vehicles blocked two major bridges in Istanbul. (AP Photo/Burhan Ozbilici)

One example is the issue of the Gulenists – supporters of US based Islamist Fethullah Gulen. They constitute a right-wing secret religious organization embedded in the security forces and the judiciary. They were an essential help for Erdogan in his first years in power, helping to avert a military coup, sometimes using not-very-democratic tricks. But when they turned against Erdogan, and he tried to purge their power, the western media was full of cries about the danger to democracy. What is more democratic after all: An elected president or a secret society manipulating the state apparatus?

Comprehensive and balanced judgment is also required for other aspects of Turkey’s policy and crisis.

Erdogan is not a socialist, but his “nationalistic” capitalist policy to steer the economy away from servitude to the Western multi-nationals and toward more internal development and relations with 3rd world countries led to fast economic development.

Another hot and controversial issue is Erdogan’s new normalization of relations with Israel. While we call for complete boycott of the Apartheid state, there is still a lot of difference between Erdogan that tries to get some alleviation of the siege for the people of Gaza and others that take part and enhance the siege.Tanks and people

The biggest issue, of course, is Turkey’s position toward the Arab Spring in general and the civil war in Syria in particular. Each of Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon, absorb much more Syrian refugees, and is paying much higher price for the Syrian conflict, than all of rich Europe put together, without much less xenophobic uproar. Erdogan’s Islamic roots put him in a position to support the Syrian’s people struggle for freedom, but his enmity to the Kurdish people is an imminent obstacle.

While we celebrate the failure of the coup, we still have a hard struggle ahead to solve the underlying problems. The defense and enhancement of true democracy in Turkey and the region are not a one-night affair but a prolonged historic task. It requires every one of us to go beyond his religious (or secular), ethnic or political tribe and form a new type of pluralistic society.

Nine Pulitzer-Winners among 150+ Literary Figures Calling for Israel to Free Palestinian Poet


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Press release by Jewish Voice for Peace and Adalah-NY, July 12, 2016

Poetry is Not a Crime: Alice Walker, Claudia Rankine, Dave Eggers, Natasha Trethewey & hundreds of others join solidarity campaign for Dareen Tatour imprisoned for a poem

July 12, 2016–Over 150 renowned writers, poets, translators, artists and literary figures signed an open letter in solidarity with Palestinian poet Dareen Tatour. Susan Abulhawa, Rae Armantrout, Carl Dennis, Dave Eggers, Carolyn Forché, Jorie Graham, Naomi Klein, Viet Thanh Nguyen, Naomi Shihab Nye, Claudia Rankine, Tracy K Smith, Natasha Trethewey, Ayelet Waldman, Alice Walker and Jacqueline Woodson were among the award-winning literary figures who joined the call for the immediate release of the Palestinian poet who was imprisoned for her poetry. (The full list of signers is available here).

Dareen Tatour, a Palestinian citizen of Israel, is one of over 400 Palestinians arrested by Israel since last fall for political statements on social media. Tatour’s ordeal began in October 2015, when she was arrested in the middle of the night. She has been charged with incitement to violence and terrorism based on Facebook postings and a poem posted to YouTube called “Qawim ya sha’abi, qawimhum” (Resist my people, resist them). Tatour spent the first three months of her detention in three different prisons before being transferred to house arrest. The court has insisted that she be kept 40 km away from her home because of the ‘danger’ she posed to the public. Tatour’s brother was obliged to quit his job and his studies in order to fulfil his role as the court appointed ward in an apartment in Tel Aviv rented for that purpose for the duration of her legal proceedings. Tatour will appeal to be allowed to transfer to house arrest in her hometown at a hearing on July 18. Her hearings are scheduled to continue to until September, when she could be sentenced to additional time in prison if convicted.

The letter signed by literary notables marks the launch of an international solidarity campaign organized by Jewish Voice for Peace and Adalah-NY to demand the release of Tatour and to draw attention to thewidespread arrests and detentions of Palestinians for political expression on social media, as well as Israel’s targeting of Palestinian writers and artists.

The signers of the letter are some of the most respected and renowned individuals in the arts and literary worlds: including nine Pulitzer Prize winners, several National Book Award recipients and United States poet laureates, many Guggenheim Fellowship recipients, an NAACP Image Award winner, many Lambda Literary Award winners, and scores of recipients of the highest U.S. writing, poetry, translation, and arts honors: including Tony Awards, Grammy Awards, Obie Awards, PEN/Open Book Awards, National Book Critics Circle Awards, Kenyon Review Award, Pushcart Awards, LA Times Book Awards, and MLA Prizes.

The letter states: “We believe in the rights of artists and writers to freely express their artistic vision, and share work freely. The Israeli government’s actions reveal a desire to silence Tatour, part of a larger pattern of Israeli repression against all Palestinians.  Expressing resistance to oppression and Occupation through poetry is by nature non-violent and should not be criminalized by any government.”

Award-winning poet, songwriter, and novelist, Naomi Shihab Nye, referred to the way Tatour’s use of the word “resistance” has been criminalized: “The word “resist” – when it is resisting oppression and inequality – will always be a gleaming, beautiful, positive word.  In fact, it needs to be said more often.”

Stefanie Fox, Deputy Director of Jewish Voice for Peace, noted, “It is heartening to see such luminaries of the literary world speak out against this blatant injustice. Writers and poets around the world know that poetry is not, and must not be, a crime. Israel has made it clear that it would rather imprison a Palestinian poet for a poem that is critical of governmental policies than change those policies. Israel has chosen to silence Palestinian cultural workers rather than heed their calls for freedom, justice, and equality. Tatour’s case is a powerful example of the need to continue fighting for fundamental change.

Mohammad Hamad from Adalah-NY commented, “The criminalization of Dareen Tatour’s poetry and political expression is, sadly, routine for Palestinian cultural workers, both for citizens of Israel and residents of the Israeli-occupied Palestinian territories. We could name a dozen more examples. We are encouraged by the response from the literary community to Dareen’s case and hope it signifies to all people of good conscience that the time has come to stand on the side of justice for Palestinians.

Dareen Tatour recently told the Israeli daily Haaretz: “I never imagined that in a democratic country, I would not be allowed to write and publish….I cannot live without poetry. For me to be a poet without a pen and without feelings. But if I cannot mourn for my compatriots who are being killed, how will I be able to be a poet?”

The full list of signers of the open letter is available here and will be updated as new signatories join. A video of Dareen Tabour speaking about her case will also be available.


Jewish Voice for Peace is a national, grassroots organization inspired by Jewish tradition to work for a just and lasting peace  according to principles of human rights, equality, and international law for  all the people of Israel and Palestine. JVP has over 200,000 online supporters,  over 60 chapters, a youth wing, a Rabbinic Council, an Artist Council, an  Academic Advisory Council, and an Advisory Board made up of leading U.S.  intellectuals and artists.

Adalah-NY: The New York Campaign for the Boycott of Israel is a local, grassroots, non-hierarchical volunteer-only group of concerned individuals that advocates for justice, equality, and human rights for the Palestinian people. Adalah-NY organizes in support of the 2005 call by Palestinian civil society to maintain non-violent means of protest — including boycotts, divestment, and sanctions — until Israel respects Palestinians’ fundamental rights.


Poet Dareen Tatour thanks you for standing by her


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(On Monday, June 27, the court in Nazareth heard Dareen Tatour’s request to relieve the strict conditions imposed on her in her house detention, and, most important, to let her return to her home in Reineh, even if still under detention. As the prosecution firmly objected, the judge postponed his decision until July 18. In the meantime we had a chance to meet Dareen and she gave me the following letter to all of you who support her against persecution.)

One Who Does Not Thank People, Does Not Thank God

With these few words I open my letter to all of you who stood by me and my family in these difficult times and through this harsh experience.

I thank you with all my heart. Thanking you is perhaps the least I can do while I am in this detention and exile, far from everything I’d lived through before my imprisonment. In spite of all the difficulties I have experienced and still experience, your stand alongside me — and your voice, which has reached me — are like rays of light which give me the power for sumud.

My message to all of you, without exception, is the message of a loving woman, striving for peace and safety, and hoping that justice and equality will be shared by all human beings everywhere. A woman whose life has been condensed to a pen, a paper and an image… I dreamed one day about the existence of people like you, people looking for dreams amid all the nightmares that live around us and between us.

Yes, I thank you, and I put all the hopes of humanity in your hands — those hopes that you see, hear, and feel.

I love you

Dareen Tatour

June 27, 2016

(You can read the original text in Arabic or a Hebrew translation.)


Brexit – The End of the Empire


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We are approaching ten years of the international crisis of world capitalism, which started with the financial crisis of 2007-2008. As there is no real recovery in sight, people everywhere start to realize that it is a structural crisis, not the typical cyclic sort.

Conventional revolutionary wisdom predicts that the chain will break in its weakest links. We have witnessed the weakening of grip of imperialism over Latin America. We went through the biggest and most violent upheavals in the Middle East, starting with the Arab Spring of 2011. We have seen Europe on the brink with the Greek crisis.Empires fall

But the last break in what used to be Great Britain took many of us by surprise.


I must quickly admit of two mistakes.

First I assumed that the political establishment was strong enough to have its way.

The first lesson from the victory of Brexit is that, because of the depth of the crisis, many things that were unthinkable are now possible and sometimes inevitable. It comes on top of the rise of Podemos in Spain, the election of a Muslim as a mayor of London, the election of an anti-establishment women candidate to head Rome, and much else.

Second, I tended to favor the “Remain” campaign. I had two reasons, one positive and one negative.

The positive reason was that I see the development toward one world as basically progressive. I think we should object to imperialism and exploitation, not replace it with objection to the mixed term of “globalization”.

The negative reason was the racist motive behind the leave campaign, the objection to immigration.

For these reasons I’m happy to see that most of the younger voters voted “Remain” for a better future – for a more integrated world and against racism.

But Brexit is a blow to the world imperialist order, and it opens some perspective for changing the world and even England to the better, for good and bad reasons also, as I will explain below.

Welcomed Change

Everyone have the right to care for himself. The Palestinian people, like our good neighbors the Kurds, remained stateless and completely marginalized in the world order that was decided by the Great Powers after the First World War. Those who have nothing have nothing to fear from the unmaking of the world order, and everything to win from the opportunities that a new order opens. Depending, of course, on their having an organization and struggling resolutely and wisely in order to get results within any new redrawing of the world map.

Just days before the referendum, Britain’s conservative Prime Minister Cameroon spoke about the need for Britain to remain within the EU in order to defend… Israel’s interests!  This is only a tiny example how Britain, with its heavy and long imperialist tradition, is a force of evil on the world scale.

This was a timely reminder that the referendum is not only about Britain’s internal politics and economics, but about Britain’s place in the world. After centuries of direct imperialism by gunboats, Britain continues today the same exploitative policies through its influence in international institutions, not least the EU. A vote for Brexit is a vote against The Empire, and as such it will have a positive international influence, even if taken for the wrong reasons.brexit

And the reasons for voting for Brexit are not all bad. The subjects of the British Queen have all the rights to feel that the system is not serving them as well as it used to. They used to be happy to live off the crumbs from the table of their capitalist masters, as long as these masters could exploit the whole world unchecked. But now the masters are sending their hands under the table to gather crumbs to fill their insatiable appetite, cutting welfare and health services.

Also, within the EU the dominance of capitalist institution, managed by faceless unelected bureaucrats, is even more alienating than the capitalist system in each country alone. People have the experience of influencing policy making through protest and elections in each country. They feel this power lost in the EU framework.

One more comment about the poor immigrants. I do believe in the right of any Human being to move freely all over the world and work and live anywhere where he or she chooses to. But within the current context of the uneven world division of power and wealth and selective immigration policies, the best brains and hands of the poor third world go to build the wealth of the wealthy nations, securing better lives for themselves. It is a huge drain on the resources of the poor nations, enhancing the gaps and world poverty. By some distorted way, the racism of the rich nations is turning (or at least limiting) this tide and forcing more people in the poor nations to look for ways to build their future within the framework of working to improve the lot of their native countries.

Down with Britain, Welcome back England

Counting the costs and benefits of EU membership, it is clear that the costs are more obvious, especially as much as they can be counted in budgetary transfers. The benefits for the leading economies are through their preferred position in the common market. They are not only invisible – but they tend to be benefits for private enterprise while the costs come from the state’s budget.

The pro-capitalist economists, whose birthplace is mostly Britain, will preach that the benefits somehow trickle down to the masses. Maybe it used to be so, but capitalism is also developing and improving its ability to stem the unwanted leaks.

When the people of England recognize that they can’t trust the system to work for them, the people in Scotland and North Ireland remember that they have no reason to be part of Great Britain under English dominance. Independence for Scotland and re-unification of independent Ireland can be the next steps for the dismantling of the British Empire.

After they will get rid of the weight of the empire, the people of England will start again to be an integral part of Humanity, and can start working with all the other people of the world for a better future.



Breve história da luta do povo palestino


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Por que o processo de paz não leva à paz?*

Tradução: Suely Corvacho – publicado pela primeira vez em LIT-CI

(Este artigo também está disponível em espanhol e hebraico)

A pedido de um companheiro colombiano e no contexto das negociações de paz na Colômbia, escrevo sobre a experiência dos processos de paz entre a Palestina e Israel. Aos companheiros colombianos que não conhecem os detalhes, tentarei descrever os fatos históricos principais passo a passo. Às vezes, pontos de vista externos podem nos ajudar a compreender os processos nos quais estamos inseridos.

Por: Free Haifa — Traduzido do original em hebraico ao espanhol por Adam Bar**

O colonialismo sionista e o povo palestino

O sionismo como movimento colonial iniciou suas ações na Palestina no final do século XIX. Naquela época, o imperialismo europeu estava em pleno auge e controlava grande parte do mundo. A Palestina estava sob o controle do Império Otomano, de religião muçulmana, que se centralizava na Turquia, e o movimento nacionalista árabe moderno começava a emergir.

Durante a Primeira Guerra Mundial, o imperialismo britânico ocupou o Oriente Médio, território que disputava com o Império Otomano. Devido à queda deste último, o imperialismo britânico buscou apoio nas forças políticas da região, de tal maneira que, para facilitar sua entrada na região, se comprometeu com o nascente movimento sionista, prometendo-lhe terras e a consolidação de um estado no território da Palestina (Declaração de Balfour, 2 de novembro de 1917). Ao mesmo tempo, prometeu às lideranças árabes, sob a influência da família real Hashemita, que nesse momento se encontrava em dissidência com o domínio otomano, apoio às suas aspirações de estabelecer um país árabe independente que abarcasse desde a fronteira ocidental da Turquia até a península arábica (Correspondência Hussein-McMahon).

Em 16 de maio de 1916, a Inglaterra e a França assinaram o Acordo Sykes-Picot, que contemplava a divisão do mundo árabe entre os dois signatários. Durante os 31 anos de ocupação britânica na Palestina (1917-1948), o movimento sionista continuou fomentando a migração e colonização judaica na Palestina, deslocando, desta maneira, os camponeses árabes de suas terras.

A população árabe na Palestina sentiu o perigo e, durante esta época, resistiu à colonização judaica e exigiu dos líderes britânicos que impedissem o deslocamento da população originária. Tal resistência se converteu em resistência popular armada contra o domínio britânico. O fato mais notável no contexto desta resistência popular foi a greve geral dos trabalhadores na Palestina que durou meio ano (1936) e o movimento armado insurgente (1936-1939) que controlou durante este período a maior parte da Palestina. O sionismo colaborava e era funcional para a ocupação britânica de tal maneira que reprimiram juntos o movimento popular na Palestina.


Ethnic cleansing in Palestine, 1948

Com a retirada dos britânicos em 1948, o sionismo começou a usar táticas de guerra conhecidas como “terra arrasada”, caracterizadas pelo deslocamento forçado, realização sistemática de massacres em assentamentos e implantação generalizada do medo através da coerção e da violência. Com esta tática, destruíram mais de 500 aldeias e cidades palestinas, e foram expulsos 85% dos palestinos, que se refugiaram em países vizinhos e territórios não ocupados. Nessa guerra, Israel (uso o nome do Estado, embora naquele tempo não estivesse constituído como tal) ocupou 80% do território palestino.

Depois da guerra de 1948 e do nascimento do Estado de Israel, o povo palestino se dividiu em vários grupos: uma minoria permaneceu dentro de 80% do território da Palestina ocupado por Israel, sob um regime de ocupação militar; outra parte ficou na Cisjordânia, sob o controle da Jordânia; e a última na Faixa de Gaza, sob o controle do Egito.

Para evidenciar o caráter desta ocupação, foram realizadas ações para tornar mais aguda a situação de conflito na região, ações dirigidas especialmente contra a população palestina dentro de Israel. Um quarto da população foi deslocada internamente dentro dos territórios ocupados, sendo afetadas não só pela retirada, como também pela tomada forçada de seus pertences e posses (animais, bens, dinheiro, entre outros). Desde 1948, Israel continua sendo um governo de ocupação, expulsando a população nativa e dirigindo a colonização judaica.

O Imperialismo e Israel, os árabes e os palestinos

Para o imperialismo, o Oriente Médio é uma região de importância estratégica. O aspecto mais importante da economia da região é o petróleo, já que a área contém a maioria da produção e das reservas de petróleo do mundo. O mundo árabe, do Marrocos ao Iraque, foi uma zona de conflito entre as potências imperialistas e o bloco socialista liderado pela então União Soviética. O maior interesse do imperialismo é assegurar o controle do petróleo e, além disso, um mercado para suas mercadorias e mão de obra barata; portanto, o maior perigo é o movimento nacionalista de independência árabe, que poderia investir os recursos no desenvolvimento interno para seus habitantes.

O apoio imperialista ao movimento sionista e, mais tarde, ao Estado de Israel se deve ao fato de que ele constitui, antes de tudo, uma base de ação contra o movimento nacionalista árabe, mantendo a divisão geográfica da região, além de ser uma força militar que atua contra as aspirações de independência do povo árabe.Six_Day_War_Territories

Em 1956, Israel participou, com a Inglaterra e a França, de um ataque contra o Egito, liderado por Gamal Abdel Nasser, em resposta à expropriação do canal de Suez. Este canal era de propriedade conjunta de empresários franceses e ingleses. Em 1967, uma guerra eclodiu por causa de provocações israelenses contra o governo do Baath (Partido de Renascimento Árabe Socialista da Síria).

Os palestinos foram vítimas diretas do colonialismo sionista. A problemática da Palestina foi reconhecida, no contexto do movimento nacionalista árabe, como o problema central. Como resultado, os palestinos (tanto os refugiados quanto os que vivem sob a ocupação) tinham esperanças neste movimento liderado pelo Egito, que teve seu auge nos anos 50-60.

Mas, após a derrota dos governos árabes na Guerra dos Seis Dias em 1967, tais esperanças diminuíram. Como reação, o movimento nacionalista independente palestino desenvolveu-se desvinculado do movimento árabe antecessor e começou a resistência popular e armada das massas palestinas. Esta resistência ficou evidente de várias formas, tendo como momento alto a guerra de guerrilhas e a organização dos palestinos da Jordânia em 1970. Em setembro deste ano, após o sequestro de 5 aviões pela Frente Popular para a Libertação da Palestina, o exército jordaniano atacou organizações guerrilheiras palestinas nos campos de refugiados, acabando com a resistência armada interna na Jordânia.


PFLP fighters 1969 – Palestinian Guerrillas

Após a morte de Abdel Nasser em 1970, Anwar Sadat subiu ao poder e, em troca de privilégios políticos, levou adiante a desvinculação do bloco soviético e a ligação do Egito com o imperialismo dos EUA e a política econômica do neoliberalismo. Esta mudança no Egito facilitou a interferência do imperialismo na região além de se servir da agressividade israelense. Apesar da mudança pró-ocidentais no Egito e, em menor medida, na Síria, com o golpe de Estado que deu Hafez Al-Assad na Síria, no mesmo ano, Israel se recusou a negociar a devolução dos territórios desses países que ocupou em 1967, o que provocou a guerra em 1973. Nesta guerra, os exércitos árabes tiveram êxitos e, ainda que Israel se recuperasse, estes sucessos conduziram à negociação, à devolução da península do Sinai e à assinatura de um tratado de paz entre Egito e Israel.

O acordo de paz entre Egito e Israel, que foi assinado sob a intermediação dos Estados Unidos, pôs fim ao processo de mudança no Egito, sendo funcional à maquinaria imperialista, além de assegurar a fronteira ocidental de Israel, o que lhe permitiu concentrar forças nas outras fronteiras.

A esquerda palestina e, em particular, a Frente Popular para a Libertação da Palestina (FPLP), que foi criada a partir do Movimento Nacionalista Árabe, viram o caminho para a libertação da Palestina não como uma luta desconectada da luta nacionalista árabe, mas que, tendo em conta o contexto, era necessário adequá-la às dinâmicas do momento.

O centro da resistência palestina mudou, pela derrota na Jordânia, para o sul do Líbano (fronteira norte de Israel). Ali os palestinos conseguiram se unir com as forças populares Faris_odeh_kid_vs_tanklibanesas, o que propiciou em 1975 a eclosão da guerra civil libanesa. A correlação de forças neste momento facilitou a vitória da aliança entre os palestinos, a esquerda e os nacionalistas libaneses, mas, em 1976, o exército sírio invadiu o Líbano com o apoio dos Estados Unidos e de Israel para impedir esse avanço da resistência e manter a construção setorial no Estado libanês.[1]

Em 1982, Israel invadiu o Líbano e chegou a conquistar Beirute (a capital), com o objetivo de golpear as organizações de resistência palestinas e implantar, no Líbano, um governo de colaboração liderado pelo partido das Falanges Libanesas[2]. Depois de um bloqueio de 80 dias a Beirute, se decidiu em comum acordo a transferência da OLP (Organização para a Libertação da Palestina) do Líbano para a Tunísia. Assim, a última frente em que a OLP teve a oportunidade de levar a cabo uma luta armada aberta contra Israel foi derrotada.

Sob a ameaça do exército israelense, o presidente eleito pelo Parlamento libanês, Amine Gemayel, foi assassinado e, em resposta à ocupação israelense, se criou no Líbano um movimento de resistência forte. Neste contexto, teve lugar o massacre de Sabra e Chatila, em 16 de setembro de 1982. Esta invasão, conhecida como a Primeira Guerra do Líbano, durou até a retirada total sem condições de Israel no verão de 2000.

Sobre a paz e o processo entre Israel e os países árabes

O Egito assinou o acordo de paz com Israel (acordos de Camp David de 1978) após a ocupação do Sinai por Israel em 1967, da Guerra de 1973 e da visita do presidente do Egito Anwar el-Sadat a Jerusalém (capital de Israel) em 1977. Este acordo é o mais importante que já foi assinado até agora entre Israel e qualquer governo árabe e é um exemplo de um processo de paz que, normalmente, começa com agressão israelense e termina com o freio imposto pelos Estados Unidos, com o sionismo devolvendo os territórios árabes se o país (neste caso o Egito) se submeter à política e à economia ditadas pelo imperialismo.

Segundo o acordo, o governo egípcio concordou que receberia de volta todo o território ocupado. Nas negociações que então ocorreram entre a Síria e Israel, Israel se recusou a devolver as Colinas de Golã por sua importância estratégica, o que fez com que os acordos se rompessem.

Israel concordou em chegar a um acordo com o Egito, não com o fim de alcançar a paz completa com todos os países vizinhos, mas para, dividindo a aliança árabe, se beneficiar. Mais tarde, Israel impôs que tais negociações deveriam se realizar de forma bilateral, ou seja, de país para país ou organização para organização, como, por exemplo, a Conferência de Paz de Madri de 1991, da qual Israel participou, mas não conseguiu assinar a paz com nenhum Estado árabe.

A paz com o Egito não despertou simpatia no mundo árabe e levou a um declínio de sua reputação. A maioria das forças populares no Egito (o islã político, a esquerda e os nacionalistas) viu esta paz como uma vergonha e uma derrota, e atuam até hoje contra a normalização das relações com Israel. Por esta paz, o presidente Sadat foi assassinado pela Jihad Islâmica em 1982.

A Jordânia assinou o acordo de paz com Israel em 1994. Este acordo foi possível graças aos acordos de Oslo, que foram assinados entre Israel e a OLP em 1993. Na verdade, os acordos de paz não mudaram muito, porque Israel não devolveu nenhum território à Jordânia, mesmo a família real haxemita tendo sido uma fiel colaboradora de Israel e do imperialismo, inclusive antes mesmo dos acordos.

Em diferentes etapas, se negociou um acordo entre a Síria e Israel, com mediação norte-americana e turca, mas a Síria se recusou a mudar suas políticas internas com o Egito; e Israel se recusou a se retirar das Colinas de Golã (território sírio ocupado em 1967).

O imperialismo quis “resolver” a problemática palestina de uma forma que lhe permitisse integrar as suas forças no Oriente Médio, removendo o estigma de Israel e aceitando-o como uma potência militar e econômica em um “novo Oriente Médio”.

Este tipo de solução, que mantém a hegemonia israelense, não permite ao imperialismo pressionar Israel e, por isso, o imperialismo fracassou com respeito à política israelense, que continua a expulsar palestinos, ocupando suas terras, tornando-se mais agressivo tanto interna como externamente. Desta maneira, a crise no Oriente Médio se aprofunda, porque Israel gera mais tensão na região, tensão fomentada pela situação de conflito permanente, em oposição aos interesses imperialistas de algumas potências como os Estados Unidos, por exemplo, quando se trata do aumento dos preços do petróleo.

A revolução palestina e a solução diplomática

A guerra popular

Em 1964, com o apoio da Liga Árabe, a OLP (Organização para a Libertação da Palestina) foi fundada e se iniciou a luta armada palestina contra o Estado de Israel.

Depois da derrota dos países árabes em 1967, a luta palestina se tornou uma luta armada e direta, transformando-se na principal ação dos palestinos para alcançar seus direitos. As organizações que promoveram a luta armada foram formadas sob a direção da OLP e esta se converteu na organização que os representava política e diplomaticamente.

O principal movimento na OLP é o Fatah, uma organização com perspectiva burguesa que tinha conexões com os governos árabes e cuja política visava à criação de um Estado palestino na região sob a hegemonia ocidental.

A OLP é composta de várias organizações de esquerda, a maior delas é a Frente Popular para a Libertação da Palestina (FPLP). Essa frente surgiu do movimento dos nacionalistas árabes que se radicalizou na década de 60, adotando uma ideologia marxista-leninista. O principal objetivo da FPLP foi consolidar uma aliança com as massas oprimidas árabes, para recriar as condições de uma revolução árabe popular, que atacasse os fundamentos do controle imperialista na região e iniciasse os preparativos para a libertação da Palestina.

O primeiro programa da OLP exigiu um país laico e democrático em todo o território palestino e o direito de retorno aos refugiados. Em seguida, o objetivo foi alterado devido à pressão da esquerda árabe-mundial e do bloco soviético, da liberação de toda a Palestina para uma solução diplomática.

A derrota em 1970 na Jordânia e a retirada do Líbano em 1982 eliminaram a base territorial para “a guerra de libertação popular” em que a OLP foi baseada. O centro da OLP mudou-se para a Tunísia, onde se formou uma máquina de atividade diplomática desconectada do movimento popular. Neste contexto, as aspirações de uma negociação política transformaram-se no centro da vida política da OLP.

A primeira Intifada e os Acordos de Oslo

Em 1987, irrompeu a primeira Intifada, uma onda de resistência popular que durou em torno de cinco anos e que trouxe de volta a luta palestina ao interior da Palestina. A Intifada baseou-se num número grande de ativistas de base, muitos deles veteranos da luta armada dos anos 60-70, que iniciaram, a partir desses anos, o trabalho de base para a organização popular.


The stones’ Intifada – confronting the occupation army 

Durante a Intifada, as organizações da resistência muçulmana surgiram pela primeira vez, o “Movimento de Resistência Islâmica” (Hamas – o ramo da Irmandade Muçulmana na Palestina) e o Jihad Islâmico. O Hamas reconhece-se como um movimento político com uma base popular ampla que ganha adeptos devido a suas ações sociais. Estas organizações não fazem parte da OLP, que mantém todo o poder burocrático.

Em 1991, a OLP participou dos acordos de Madri, que se realizaram após a Guerra do Golfo. No entanto, esta participação foi indireta, através da delegação jordaniana, porque, nesta época, Israel se recusava a negociar com a OLP, à qual descrevia como dominada por uma organização terrorista e armada.

Em 1993, foram assinados os Acordos de Oslo, nos quais Israel reconheceu a OLP como a representante do povo palestino e a OLP reconheceu o direito do Estado de Israel a existir, acordos consignados nas Resoluções da ONU (242, 338), que incluem o compromisso da OLP de abandonar a luta armada.

A parte palestina nos acordos acreditou que Israel queria uma solução de dois Estados, na qual os palestinos tivessem soberania sobre os territórios palestinos ocupados em 1967 (Gaza e Cisjordânia). Os acordos falavam de uma etapa de autonomia palestina nestes territórios durante cinco anos até que se chegasse a um acordo definitivo. Na realidade, esses acordos não garantiam aos palestinos o direito ao território e deixavam tudo à vontade do Estado de Israel, que continuava, sob a cobertura dos acordos, implementando uma política sistêmica de colonização, ocupação e deslocamento em Gaza e Cisjordânia.

O resultado dos acordos foi, definitivamente, o estabelecimento de um governo palestino sob a ocupação, sem soberania sobre seus territórios e sua economia, e sem solução ao problema dos refugiados.Oslo_map_Palestinian_Bantustans

Mais sobre os Acordos de Oslo

No contexto dos acordos, desenvolveu-se a Intifada, que durou cinco anos, baseada numa mudança da correlação de forças regional e internacional contra Israel.

Israel teve que fazer uma alteração em sua política, diante da qual se definiam duas opções: retirada unilateral da Faixa de Gaza ou uma solução política com um Estado palestino que se responsabilizasse pelo território retirado. Com os acordos e a continuação da colonização, os líderes da OLP deixaram o controle efetivo e total do território a Israel.

A direção da OLP, que se achava na Tunísia neste momento, procurava, antes da Intifada, uma oportunidade de um acordo político, chegando fragilizada às negociações: pela mudança do centro da luta palestina para a luta popular, e pelo surgimento das organizações da resistência muçulmana. Por isso, a OLP não representou a força da Intifada nas negociações, mas foi companheira de Israel no temor à Intifada, se apressando a chegar a qualquer acordo político possível antes que se convertesse em personagem pouco relevante.Oslo_divided_the_West_Bank_to_A_B_C

Durante os anos de negociações, a esquerda mundial fez crer à OLP que os diálogos com Israel eram uma manifestação de boa vontade por parte do sionismo para resolver o conflito, tendo em conta os interesses de ambos os lados. Este ponto de vista explica o afã de se chegar a um acordo e o motivo pelo qual o lado palestino, acreditando em Israel, não lhe exigiu nenhuma garantia que preservasse seus interesses básicos.

Apenas em um pequeno território denominado Área “A” (que inclui só os territórios urbanos), os palestinos receberam controle total. O que significou que os dirigentes da OLP não só desistiram da luta armada, como também, durante os acordos, formaram uma coordenação de segurança em função do Estado de Israel (polícia e um corpo secreto de inteligência) para impedir e esmagar qualquer tipo de resistência, tudo isto sem garantias de terminar a ocupação. Enquanto isso continuava a expulsão, a ocupação e a colonização. Esta política foi levada adiante, com prisões e torturas de ativistas contra a ocupação israelita por parte da Autoridade Nacional Palestina.

Israel se viu então beneficiado diante de sua desobrigação diante das responsabilidades com a população palestina no tocante à saúde e à educação, na medida em que não destinava qualquer orçamento para as questões sociais; Israel quer controlar o território, mas não a população. O controle das fontes de água, da economia, das vias de transporte e do direito de se deslocar ficaram nas mãos de Israel e são usados para criar obstáculos na vida dos palestinos.

Em Oslo, os Estados Unidos tiveram um papel secundário em relação aos diálogos entre Israel e os países árabes. A assinatura destes acordos na Casa Branca tinha o objetivo de aumentar os ganhos políticos dos participantes (Israel, a OLP e os Estados Unidos).

Os acordos foram vistos como uma forma de consolidar a hegemonia norte-americana após a queda do bloco soviético (o fim da história), já que todos vivem num sistema capitalista global. Neste contexto, foi evidente um processo na África do Sul que permitiu uma mudança política verdadeira e a queda do sistema do apartheid, enquanto na Palestina se deu a continuidade e o agravamento do apartheid israelita.

A segunda Intifada e a retirada de Gaza

Os acordos de Oslo deveriam ter levado a um acordo definitivo em cinco anos. No entanto, Israel continuava colonizando e não mostrou nenhuma intenção de se retirar dos territórios ocupados em 1967 para que se estabelecesse um Estado palestino liderado pela OLP. Em 2000, fez-se a última tentativa na qual Israel (liderado por Ehud Barak) e os Estados Unidos (governados por Clinton) tentaram obrigar Yasser Arafat a renunciar ao direito de retorno dos refugiados. A negativa de Arafat em seguir esta ordem, imposta pela aliança americana-israelense, levou à segunda Intifada e, depois, ao seu assassinato.

A segunda Intifada começou em decorrência das provocações israelenses, quando Ariel Sharon (o líder da direita israelense nesta época) e Barak se uniram para sabotar os acordos de Oslo e demonstrar que “não há um parceiro para os acordos”, e assim se liberar da responsabilidade de cumprir com os compromissos assumidos por Israel.

Por outro lado, a direção da OLP que, neste momento, dirigia também a Autoridade Palestina (AP), se deu conta de que Israel não queria fazer nenhuma renúncia, nem sequer mínima, que lhe permitisse manter sua reputação com o povo palestino. Nesta situação, a direção da OLP voltou a lutar contra Israel e uma grande parte das armas que havia trazido para oprimir a resistência foi usada contra a ocupação.

Nesta perspectiva, surgiu o argumento de que os acordos melhoraram e fortaleceram a resistência; no entanto, há que recordar que as “forças de segurança” palestinas não se uniram à resistência e que a coordenação de segurança com o exército opressor de Israel nunca deixou de agir e voltou com mais força depois que a resistência foi esmagada após anos de assassinatos, sequestros e torturas.


Free Gaza!

Tanto o aumento de armas nas mãos palestinas quanto a tática assassina de Israel fizeram com que a segunda Intifada se caracterizasse pela luta armada e não só pela luta popular como a primeira.

No fim da segunda Intifada em 2005, Israel, liderado desta vez por Ariel Sharon, enfrentou-se novamente com o dilema de conciliar e intermediar, procurando uma solução política com a OLP ou realizando uma retirada unilateral da Faixa de Gaza, que incluía a evacuação de todos os assentamentos que tinha construído neste território. O resultado foi, pela primeira vez, a existência de um território totalmente livre na Palestina.

Os acordos de Oslo e os palestinos em Israel

Os acordos despertaram muitas ilusões nos palestinos, especialmente nos de Israel, depois de muitos anos que as principais forças políticas, lideradas pelo Partido Comunista de Israel (seus membros são majoritariamente palestino-árabes), chamaram a alcançar a paz através da solução dos “dois Estados”. Para a maioria da população na Palestina, pareceu-lhe que tinha chegado a esperada paz; para os refugiados, a situação era diferente porque se deu a entender que os acordos não tinham a solução para sua problemática.

O governo israelense de Yitzhak Rabin, que assinou os acordos, foi um governo estreito do qual fazia parte a denominada equivocamente “esquerda israelita”. Este governo dependeu do apoio dos partidos árabes para conseguir a maioria no parlamento, no entanto Rabin negou aos partidos árabes a participação na coalizão que formou o governo. Rabin foi assassinado pela direita israelense e seu governo continuou, liderado por Shimon Peres, que perdera as eleições de 1996.

O apoio aos acordos e a ilusão de que se estava avançando para uma paz respeitável para o povo palestino levou todos os partidos árabes parlamentares a apoiar um governo que continuou com a ocupação, a colonização e a discriminação racista. Este governo de Peres, ao qual apoiaram, atacou inclusive o Líbano e cometeu o Massacre de Qana em 1996.

A ilusão de paz e a dependência do governo nos partidos árabes trouxeram a ilusão da possibilidade de melhorar a situação dos palestinos árabes cidadãos de Israel. Esta ilusão foi expressa através do surgimento de um novo partido árabe Al-Tayamu (Aliança Nacional Democrática) que exige “um país para todos os seus cidadãos” em Israel.

Em vários anos, se passou da etapa de ilusão a uma etapa de luta popular dos palestinos dentro de Israel, cujo auge foi em 1998-99 durante a luta pelas terras que teve sucesso e ganhos, mas isso foi claramente graças à luta popular e não à atividade parlamentar.

O aumento da resistência popular dentro de Israel levou à participação total dos palestinos cidadãos dentro de Israel na segunda Intifada, cuja resistência foi reprimida brutalmente pela polícia israelense, que feriu centenas de manifestantes e assassinou treze deles nas primeiras duas semanas da Intifada.

Conclusões: os temas em conflito e as soluções possíveis

Uma solução verdadeira ao conflito exige que se resolvam todas as problemáticas existentes, sobretudo a garantia do direito aos refugiados retornarem a todos os territórios de onde foram expulsos; além disso, deve acabar com a ocupação e o racismo. Este tipo de solução só será possível com um país laico e democrático em todo o território palestino histórico.

Na atualidade, a política israelense está dirigida a expulsar o povo palestino de sua pátria.

O racismo, a opressão, a restrição de movimento, a tomada de terras e a colonização palestine_coinservem a este fim. Desde a ocupação da Cisjordânia e de Gaza em 1967, há fatores políticos palestinos e mundiais que trabalham por uma solução baseada em “dois Estados para dois povos”, ou seja, reconhecimento do Estado judeu no território palestino ocupado antes de 1967 (80% da Palestina) e um Estado palestino na Cisjordânia e na Faixa de Gaza. Esta solução significaria a legitimação da limpeza étnica de 1984, a discriminação contra os palestino-árabes cidadãos de Israel, e a ausência do direito de retorno aos refugiados.

Vários fatores palestinos tentam um meio termo entre a solução proposta para acabar com os direitos nacionais dos palestinos e as aspirações de consegui-los. A solução mais ampla exige três iniciativas: 1) fim da ocupação na Cisjordânia e na Faixa de Gaza, 2) direito ao retorno dos refugiados e 3) igualdade de direitos para os palestinos cidadãos de Israel. Esta é a solução apoiada pelo movimento do BDS (Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions).

(Haifa, Dezembro 2012)


[1] O Estado do Líbano recebeu a independência da França. Segundo o sistema político herdado da época colonial, que continua em vigor hoje, o país está dividido por religiões e seitas, de modo que o Estado continua sendo funcional aos interesses imperialistas na região. A maioria da população é muçulmana (sunitas e xiitas), no entanto, segundo as leis do presidente, deve ser cristã católica maronita.

[2] Organização paramilitar e partido de direita.


Artigo publicado originalmente em https://freehaifa.wordpress.com/category/en-espanol/

(*) As ideias expressas neste texto não refletem necessariamente a opinião de Corriente Roja ou da LIT-QI

(**) O escritor é um ativista em “Herak Haifa” e “Filhos da Terra – Abna el-Balad”

Artigo publicado em: www.corrienteroja.net.



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